"Strongly condemns Russia’s « recognition » of Ukraines’s Donetsk and Lugansk regions, repeating the scenario that led to the occupation of 20% of our territory", - Georgian President Salome Zourabishvili tweets.

Source: https://bit.ly/34XKhgj

Georgia is following with concern the latest developments around Ukraine, which pose yet another serious challenge for the European and Global security.
Recognizing Ukraine’s territories - Donetsk and Lugansk as independent states by Russia represents yet another flagrant violation of the fundamental principles of international law, and in fact repeats the scenario of Russia’s military intervention into Georgia’s Tskhinvali region in 2008 and subsequent recognition of the independence of this region and of Abkhazia/Georgia, and their occupation. 
Georgia unequivocally supports Ukraine’s territorial integrity and sovereignty. We express the hope that the international community will give its strict assessment and response to this yet another violation of the fundamental principles of international law, and to the absolutely unacceptable attempt to redraw forcefully the state borders in East Europe.

With continued Russian military build-up around Ukraine’s borders, Vitalii Rubak talks about Russian disinformation and how Ukraine can tackle it.

Vitalii, who is chief analyst at Internews Ukraine, outlines his analysis based on the following questions:

• How does Russia use disinformation to undermine Ukraine’s resilience?
• How effective is this effort?
• What could be done to strengthen the resilience of Ukrainian society against aggressive information?

The video was produced by Public Interest Journalism Lab.

In Ukraine, complex and fluid internal dynamics are in motion as a result of the ongoing struggle between the system of old rules and vested interests on the one hand, and a strong demand and pressure from society and a new generation of policymakers for new rules on the other.

The Ukraine Forum brings together a dynamic group of stakeholders, including politicians, practitioners, civil society leaders, academics and journalists to examine the political situation in Ukraine.

Source: https://www.chathamhouse.org/2022/02/spotlight-ukraine-interview-vitalii-rubak?fbclid=IwAR2IVBCQxwqN2FY_DPvYnB5clUgBIhVze0E1vdMc8BBa81hxXUcRSOR4Sd4

Video: 

"We once again express our solidarity and strong support to the brotherly Ukrainian people in the fight for freedom. We are always by your side, because we know the value of freedom and the fight for it" – the Vice Prime Minister/Foreign Minister, David Zalkaliani said when speaking before the audience gathered to mark Ukraine’s Unity Day at the Embassy of Ukraine. Administration of the MFA Georgia announced it recently.

According to David Zalkaliani, recent developments have shown that the world today faces significant challenges, especially when it comes to violating territorial integrity and sovereignty. As the Minister highlighted, Georgia became target of Russian aggression in 2008, and this was followed by the recognition of Georgia’s regions as independent states and the occupation of 20 percent of its territories. As a result, hundreds of thousands of people became refugees in their own country.
"Our brotherly nation - Ukraine is going through the same ordeal today. The Russian Duma’s decision to recognize Donetsk and Lugansk is alarming. Georgia condemns this action” - Georgia's first diplomat pointed out.
According to the Foreign Minister, the foregoing poses a threat not only to Georgia and Ukraine, but also to the entire European architecture. "No one has the right to forbid sovereign nations to choose their own path of development, friends and alliances. We are confident that we will continue to work with our brotherly Ukrainian people to realize the historic choice they have deserved. "- said the Vice Prime Minister of Georgia.
According to the Minister of Foreign Affairs, this day should be a day of unity not only for Ukraine, but also for the whole of progressive society.

At Today’s Plenary Session, the Parliament adopted the Resolution on Possible Military Escalation in Ukraine with 74 votes.
The document developed by the members of the Parliamentary Majority Giorgi Khelashvili, Maka Botchorishvili, Levan Karumidze, Givi Mikanadze and Tamar Taliashvili was introduced to the MPs by the First Deputy Chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee Giorgi Khelashvili.

The Parliament, according to the resolution, expresses grave concern about a possible military escalation in Ukraine and condemns any intention directed against a sovereign state and its territorial integrity, which poses a new threat not only to Ukraine but also to regional peace and security.

The resolution further notes that the Georgian Parliament urges on the Georgian government to continue its contribution to the prevention of war in Ukraine by using diplomatic instruments and working closely with strategic partners.

The majority of the opposition, according to Giorgi Khelashvili, is attempting to avoid supporting important state resolutions by providing an excuse rather than a cause.

According to him, the same thing happened to the constitutional record that backed Georgia's integration into the European Union and the Euro-Atlantic area, such as the Parliamentary resolution on foreign policy that referred to Russia as Georgia's occupier, but the UNM refused to endorse it.

Giorgi Khelashvili once again addressed the opposition before the discussion and called for support for the document.

"The opposition, led by the United National Movement, is almost unanimously opposed to the resolution. This is disappointing, because it would be desirable for us to pass a resolution with the support of all political forces. We can boldly conclude that the aim of the opposition is not to participate in the development of real foreign policy, but only political manipulation. I call on other political parties and factions, if not the National Movement, to take a historical perspective and vote for this resolution, because years later, their signatures will not be found on this resolution”, - Giorgi Khelashvili said.

Most of the opposition MPs demanded from the initiators of the draft that the text of the resolution clearly state the Russian Federation, saying that the document would gain support only in this case and would not remain just a one-party document of the ruling team.

Administration of the Parliament of Georgia

Secretary Antony J. Blinken with Myroslava Gongadze of Voice of America’s Ukrainian Service

ANTONY J. BLINKEN, SECRETARY OF STATE

QUESTION: Today we have a chance to talk about the crisis with Secretary of State, U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken. Thank you. Thank you for this opportunity and for your time —

SECRETARY BLINKEN: It’s good to be with you.

QUESTION: — and for your effort.

So your administration said that Russia can invade any moment. What is your administration ready to do to defer Russian aggression? And what would be the three major steps you would – you are ready to do if Russia will invade tomorrow?

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Well, first, we’ve offered Russia a clear choice, a choice between pursuing dialogue and diplomacy on the one hand, or confrontation and consequences on the other hand. And we’ve just been engaged in an extensive series of diplomatic engagements with Russia, directly between us, through the Strategic Stability Dialogue, at NATO with the NATO-Russia Council, at the OSCE, the Organization for Security Cooperation in Europe. And my hope remains that Russia will pursue that diplomatic path. It’s clearly preferable.

QUESTION: Still, would U.S. —

SECRETARY BLINKEN: But – but to your point, we’ve also – we’ve equally made clear that if Russia chooses to renew its aggression against Ukraine, we – and not just we the United States, we many countries throughout Europe and even some beyond – will respond very forcefully and resolutely, and in three ways.

First, we’ve been working intensely on elaborating extensive sanctions: financial, economic, export controls, and others, and —

QUESTION: Does it include cutting from SWIFT —

SECRETARY BLINKEN: — doing that – I’m not going to get into the details of what they are, but we’re doing that in very close coordination with European allies and partners. A second consequence would almost certainly be further assistance, defensive military assistance, to Ukraine. And third, it’s almost certain that NATO would have to reinforce its own defenses on its on its eastern flank.

And you know, what’s so striking about this is that when you think about it, President Putin, going back to 2014, has managed to precipitate what he says he wants to prevent. Because among other things, NATO had to reinforce itself after Russia invaded Ukraine, seized Crimea, the Donbas – after that happened. So we’ve laid out the consequences clearly for Russia, but also the far preferable path of resolving differences diplomatically. And we’ll see which path President Putin decides to take.

QUESTION: Still, the question of is the SWIFT – cutting Russia from SWIFT is on the table, and personal sanctions against personally Putin and his family are on the table.

SECRETARY BLINKEN: What I can tell you is this, and it’s not just me saying this – the G7, the leading democratic economies in the world, the European Union, NATO have all each declared as institutions, as a collection of countries that there will be, and I quote, “massive consequences” for Russia if it renews its aggression against Ukraine. We’ve also said that the measures that we’re looking at go well beyond steps that we’ve taken in the past, including in 2014. I’m not going to detail them here or telegraph the steps we take, but I can tell you the consequences would be severe. But again, I want to insist on the fact that it would be far preferable not to have to go down that path. We’re fully prepared to do it, but the preference is to see if we can resolve differences, address concerns in both directions through diplomacy.

QUESTION: Russia ask for a written response to demand never to accept Ukraine into NATO. Are you preparing to – are you preparing such a written response, and what kind?

SECRETARY BLINKEN: So we had the last week of these important engagements, as I noted, and we now have an opportunity, both Russia and all of us – the United States, our European partners – to take back what we heard from each other. The Russians have gone back and presumably are consulting with President Putin. We’ve done the same in my case with President Biden. The Europeans have done the same with their leaders. And the next step in this process is for me to have a chance to meet with Foreign Minister Lavrov in Geneva on Friday and to see what – how Russia has responded to what’s already been discussed. They’ll hear from us.

Before that, though, I was determined, at President Biden’s instruction, to come here to Kyiv to consult with our Ukrainian partners, and then tomorrow in Berlin to meet with some of our closest European partners. That’s exactly how we’ve proceeded all along. We’ve done everything in very close consultation before and after any of our engagements with Russia.

QUESTION: However, you didn’t answer my question about are you preparing the written response to Russian demand.

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Right now, the next step is to meet with Foreign Minister Lavrov. Let’s see where we are after Friday, and we’ll take it from there.

QUESTION: I had that question about Mr. Lavrov. You are scheduled to meet him. Do you see any signs that the Kremlin is changing its position at this point – moment?

SECRETARY BLINKEN: I can’t see that I see any direct evidence of that. Unfortunately, we can – we continue to see Russia having amassed very significant forces on Ukraine’s borders. That process seems to continue. On the other hand, the fact that we are meeting in Geneva, the fact that we will be discussing the conversations and exchanges that we’ve had over the last 10 days also suggests to me that diplomacy remains an open possibility, one that we’re determined to pursue as long and far as we can. We want to leave no diplomatic stone unturned, because again, that’s just a much better and more responsible way to deal with these problems.

QUESTION: The Minsk Agreement is seen as the only valuable solution for this crisis. However, Russia and Ukraine has a different reading of the agreement. What has to be done to implement the agreement, or it’s time to renegotiate its norms?

SECRETARY BLINKEN: I don’t think there’s any need to renegotiate because, as you say, there is an agreement. In fact, there are actually three of them because Minsk evolved 2014 to 2015, and there are a number of very clear steps that both of the parties have to take. I think it’s fair to say looking back that many of those steps Ukraine has either implemented or begun to implement. There are some that it hasn’t yet tackled. I think unfortunately, it’s equally fair to say that Russia has done virtually nothing in terms of the steps required of it in the Minsk Agreement.

So the first question is whether Russia is serious about resolving the Donbas through the Minsk process. If it is, I agree with you. I think that’s the best and right now really the only way forward. France, Germany are an important part of this through the so-called Normandy Format, and there are supposed to be upcoming meetings in that process. And again, it’s a test of whether Russia is serious about it. The one positive sign that we’ve seen in the last few weeks when it comes to Minsk is a loose ceasefire that is clearly an improvement over where things were that takes us back to where we were in 2020.

But the real question is: Is Russia serious about implementing Minsk? If it is, we are prepared to facilitate that, we’re prepared to support that, we’re prepared to engage in that, but in support of this Normandy process that France, Germany, Russia, and Ukraine are engaged in.

QUESTION: Since you mentioned Germany, you mentioned Normandy Format, there was a lot of talks about U.S. joining that Normandy Format. Is there any reconsideration of U.S. doing so?

SECRETARY BLINKEN: I don’t think it’s a question of us joining the format. The question is whether it’s useful for us to try to facilitate things, to support it in any way that we can. If the answer to that is yes, we’re fully prepared to do that, and we’ve said – of course, share that with our allies and partners France and Germany, but we’ve also said that to Russia, and of course, to Ukraine.

QUESTION: The U.S. National Security Advisor recently said that if Russia wants Nord Stream to start operating, it will have to stop aggression in Ukraine. Is the United States ready to accept the completion and activation of the pipeline for Russia to withdraw troops from the borders?

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Well, we continue to oppose the pipeline for reasons that are well known and are long known. We think that it actually undermines Europe’s energy security. It obviously does tremendous potential damage to Ukraine including giving Russia the option to avoid the existing pipeline through Ukraine that results in a lot of transit fees for Ukraine, and the list goes on.

Having said that, the pipeline is actually complete. The construction has been completed. It’s not operational. And to Jake Sullivan, the National Security Advisor’s point, right now, that pipeline is as much if not more leverage for us as it is for Russia, because the idea that if Russia commits renewed aggression against Ukraine, gas would flow through that pipeline, is highly, highly improbable. So that’s an interesting factor to see whether it affects Russia’s thinking as it’s deciding what to do.

QUESTION: And I have two questions on the domestic agenda – Ukraine domestic agenda, if I may. The President Zelenskyy promised President Biden personally to fight corruption. He promised to appoint a special anticorruption prosecutor before the end of 2021. However, many Ukrainians argue that there is sabotage of anticorruption reforms. Is the United States, as a Ukraine strategic partner, satisfied with the reform progress in Ukraine? And is Ukraine at risk of losing the U.S. support if the government does not meet its commitment to reform agenda?

SECRETARY BLINKEN: I had a chance to spend time with President Zelenskyy today. We had a very good conversation about virtually all of these issues, including the question of reform. And President Zelenskyy has been pursuing reform, including most recently judicial reform. But there are other things that need to happen, including finally the appointment of this commissioner that should and could take place anytime, so we are looking to that to see that happen. It’s challenging. There are external pressures, there are internal pressures, but he has been on the path of reform.

And ultimately, Ukraine’s progress, which we are determined to support, is contingent on reform. So we look to the president to continue that – those efforts. We very much support him in those efforts and we’ll continue to support Ukraine as it makes those efforts.

QUESTION: Thank you so much. They are showing me that I have to cut. I have one more question, though. One more, please, one more question.

Across from this building where we are going – doing this interview today, right, on the hearing – in the court hearing on treason charges brought against the former President Poroshenko, many experts and former (inaudible) politicians expressed their concern, and some say the charges are politically motivated. Do you think these charges and the progress of – and the process is justified at the time of looming war?

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Well, I can’t get into the details of this particular case. What I can say is this: It’s very important that in any proceeding, whether it’s this one or any other, that things go forward, it’s through an independent judiciary pursuant to the rule of law, and, as we would say, without fear or favor, no selective prosecutions. That’s a general rule that we would apply anywhere and everywhere.

Second, this is a time I think where there’s a premium on national unity precisely because of the threat that Russia is posing. And it’s important for Ukrainians to come together whatever political differences they may have. One of Russia’s methods is to try to divide, to create divisions, to create distractions, and it’s important for Ukrainians to come together to resist that and to deal with the challenge posed by Russia as one – as one country with an incredible future that the United States strongly supports, but one that’s being challenged.

QUESTION: Thank you so much, because I would be escorted from this room. Thank you so much.

SECRETARY BLINKEN: (Laughter.) Thank you. Good to be with you again.

QUESTION: Good to be here.

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Thank you. Thanks very much.

US Embassy in Georgia

The Foreign Minister of the Associated Trio – Georgia, Moldova, Ukraine met with the Executive Vice-President of the European Commission for an Economy, Valdis Dombrovskis.

During the meeting the parties discussed the significance of the establishment of the Associated Trio and its future goals, namely in terms of European Integration and coordinating in terms of common goals, by developing cooperation with the EU, including in terms of establishing sectoral dialogue on economic and trade issues.

MFA Georgia